noun

definition

A free person, particularly:

Examples of freeman in a Sentence

It must be performed by a freeman.

Whittier, Lundy's successor, became The Pennsylvania Freeman.

Mrs. Freeman and Carrie and Ethel and Frank and Helen came to station to meet us in a huge carriage.

In many parts of western Europe the right of private war long remained the privilege of every noble, as it had once been the privilege of every freeman.

No Roman slave, he says, "needed to despair of becoming both a freeman and a citizen."

Freeman considered it "the most perfect surviving church of its kind in England, if not in Europe."

Freeman in his William Rufus (Oxford, 1882) gives the fullest account.

The greatest estates belonged to the king, or had been granted to military chiefs whose sons succeeded them, or were the endowments of temples, but the calpulli or village community still survived, and each freeman of the tribe held and tilled his portion of the common lands.

Another educational endowment is Freeman's school, founded by John Freeman in 1711.

Despite these disasters Burgoyne pushed south to Stillwater, where he was defeated by Gates's improvised army of continentals and militia in two battles on the 19.th of September (Freeman's Farm) and the 7th of October (Bemis's Height).

Freeman "indisputably the third church not in a state of ruin in the principality," its choir furnishing "one of the choicest examples of the Early English style."

From the evidence of later custom it is probable that the normal payment for a freeman was a hundred head of cattle.

He also defended the privileges of the Irish Protestants in the press, and especially in the Freeman's Journal, founded in 1763.

These represent the three classes of mankind according to old Teutonic ideas - the noble, the simple freeman and the bondman.

In short, there is no real nobility in England; for the class which answers to foreign nobility has so long ceased to have any practical privileges that it has long ceased to be looked on as a nobility, and the word nobility has been transferred to another class which has nothing answering to it out of the three British kingdoms. 2 This last ' This statement is mainly interesting as expressing the late Professor Freeman's view; it is, however, open to serious criticism.

Freeman advances the theory that the right of all the freemen to attend the genzot had for practical purposes fallen into disuse, and thus the assembly had come to be confined to the wise men.

This interesting historical monument was demolished by the Greek authorities in 1874, notwithstanding the protests of Penrose, Freeman and other scholars.

From the former point of view the freeman, then essentially a warrior, and the slave were mutual auxiliaries, simultaneously exercising different and complementary functions - each necessary to the community.

He could be liberated by will, or, during his Emanci- master's life, by proclamation in the theatre, the law courts, or other public places, or by having his name inscribed in the public registers, or, in the later age of Greece, by sale or donation to certain temples - an act which did not make the slave a hierodulus but a freeman.

As witness, the slave was still subject to the question; as criminal, he was punished with greater rigour than the freeman.

This system, by diminishing the freeman's mastery over himself and his power to determine his occupation, reduced the interval between him and the slave; and the latter on the one hand, the free domestic servant and workshop labourer on the other, both passed insensibly into the common condition of serfdom.

Various alterations were subsequently made and now the qualification of electors at the election of the corporate offices of lord mayor, sheriffs, chamberlain and minor offices in Common Hall is that of being a liveryman of a livery company and an enrolled freeman of London.

In the days of the decaying empire and of the chaotic German settlement, the weak freeman, the small landowner, was exposed to attack in almost every relation of life and on every side.

He also took a deep interest in religious matters, was a prominent member of the Church of the Disciples (Unitarian; founded in Boston by the Rev. James Freeman Clarke), and was assistant editor for some time of The Christian World, a weekly religious paper.

A second convention met on the call of the legislature in February 1842 and adopted the so-called Freeman's Constitution.

The Freeman's Constitution, modified by another convention, which held its session at Newport and East Greenwich, September 12-November 5, 1842, was finally adopted by popular vote on November 21-23, 1842.

The Hereward legend has been fully dealt with by him and by Professor Freeman, who observed that "with no name has fiction been more busy."

Historical scholars ridiculed his mistakes, and Freeman, the most violent of his critics, never let slip a chance of hitting at him in the Saturday Review.

The literary quarrel between him and Freeman excited general interest when it blazed out in a series of articles which Freeman wrote in the Contemporary Review (1878-1879) t ort Froude's Short Study of Thomas Becket.

On the death of his adversary Freeman in 1892, he was appointed, on the recommendation of Lord Salisbury, to succeed him as regius professor of modern history at Oxford.

Freeman's life was one of strenuous literary work.

Freeman advanced the study of history in England in two special directions, by insistence on the unity of history, and by teaching the importance and right use of original authorities.

Freeman's range included Greek, Roman and the earlier part of English history, together with some portions of foreign medieval history, and he had a scholarly though general knowledge of the rest of the history of the European world.

It is true that he is sometimes swayed by prejudice, but this is the common lot of great historians; they cannot altogether avoid sharing in the feelings of the past, for they live in it, and Freeman did so to an extraordinary degree.

The high quality of Freeman's work was acknowledged by all competent judges.

Freeman had a strongly marked personality.

Freeman remarks, "it is an excellent example of a small cathedral of its own style and plan, with unusually little later alteration."

Freeman says, " no such title is heard of in the earlier days of England.

In early society, where the army is not a paid force but the armed nation, the cavalry must necessarily consist of the noble and wealthy, and cavalry and chivalry, as Freeman observes, 4 will be the same.

Yet the fact that Harold received knighthood from William of Normandy makes it clear either that Harold was not yet a knight, which in the case of so tried a warrior would imply that " dubbing to knighthood " was not yet known in England even under Edward the Confessor, or, as Freeman thinks, that in the middle of the iith century the custom had grown in Normandy into " something of a more special meaning " than it bore in England.

Freeman dismissing it as "a transparent fiction."

This is variously known as the First Battle of Saratoga, the Battle of Freeman's Farm, the First Battle of Bemis Heights or the First Battle of Stillwater.

It is impossible will' here to analyse the disputes as to whether, in Freeman's words, " from this time to the 14th century " (he means, to Bannockburn) " the vassalage of Scotland was an essential part of the public law of the Isle of Britain."

As to the nature of Malcolm's homage, whether for Scotland (Freeman), or for manors and a subsidy in England(Robertson), historians disagree.

Freeman emphatically pronounced it to be "a contemporary work," and historically "a primary authority.

As some of its evidence is unique, the question of its authority is important, and Freeman's conclusions have been practically confirmed by recent discussion.

Here, besides continuing his literary contributions to magazines, Lowell had a regular engagement as an editorial writer on The Pennsylvania Freeman, a fortnightly journal devoted to the Anti-Slavery cause.

The promised Garter was withheld from Marlborough, and the incensed "Mrs Morley" in her letters to "Mrs Freeman" styled the king "Caliban" or the "Dutch Monster."

Garrison, Charles Sumner, Theodore Parker and James Freeman Clarke were among her friends; she advocated abolition, and preached occasionally from Unitarian pulpits.

In this he showed that the status of the homo Rornanus of the barbarian laws was inferior to that of the German freeman; that the Gallo-Romans had been subjected by the Germans to a state of servitude; and, consequently, that the Germans had conquered the Gallo-Romans.

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